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Cognitive Psychology: Chapter 9: Language

Cognitive Psychology
Chapter 9: Language
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Notes

table of contents
  1. Front Matter
  2. Preface
  3. Acknowledgements
  4. Chapter 1: Introduction to Cognitive Psychology and Distinctions Cognitive Psychologists Make
  5. Chapter 2: Sensory Memory
  6. Chapter 3: Pattern Recognition (words, objects, and faces)
  7. Chapter 4: Attention
  8. Chapter 5: Short-term Memory and Working Memory
  9. Chapter 6: Introduction to Episodic Long-Term Memory
  10. Chapter 7: Semantic Memory
  11. Chapter 8: LTM in Natural Settings: Interactions between Semantic and Episodic Long-Term Memory
  12. Chapter 9: Language

Chapter 9: Language

Language is one of humanity's most defining abilities, essential for our communication, cognition, and cultural evolution. Without language, our technological achievements, social structures, and accumulated knowledge would not exist as we know them today. In this chapter, we explore the fundamental aspects of language from a psychological perspective, examining its acquisition, structure, and neurological underpinnings.

Introduction to Psycholinguistics

Psycholinguistics is the interdisciplinary study of how language is processed and used by individuals. It investigates the psychological and neurobiological factors that enable humans to acquire, use, and comprehend language. Noam Chomsky, a prominent figure in linguistics, has influenced much of this field, emphasizing the innate structures underlying language acquisition.

Language Acquisition: Learning vs. Instinct

Debates in psycholinguistics often revolve around whether language is primarily learned or instinctual. Steven Pinker's influential work in The Language Instinct argues that while specific languages and grammar rules are learned, humans are biologically predisposed to acquire language. This instinctual capacity suggests a universal grammar shared across all languages.

Evidence of Language Instinct

One compelling argument for language instinct is its universal presence across human cultures. From the most isolated groups of individuals to highly interconnected civilizations, all groups develop complex languages. This universality underscores the innate predisposition humans have for language acquisition.

Universal Characteristics of Language

In addition to all groups having language, all human languages share certain universal characteristics and this is true whether the language is spoken, written, or gestural. Though there are more universal characteristics that the few mentioned here, these are the ones you need to know for this class:

  • Semanticity: Symbols (whether spoken, written, or gestural) convey meaning.
  • Arbitrariness: There's no inherent connection between symbols and their meanings, except for onomatopoeic words. So, as Pinker notes, the word microorganism is a big word that refers to a small thing while the word whale is a short word that refers to a big thing.
  • Naming and Flexibility: Language allows us to name and describe nearly everything, and meanings of words can evolve over time.
  • Displacement: We can discuss past, future, and hypothetical events not present in our immediate environment.
  • Productivity: With a finite set of words and rules, we can create an infinite variety of new sentences.

Neural Basis of Language

The human brain exhibits specialized regions for language processing, predominantly in the left hemisphere. Key areas include Broca's area, crucial for language production, and Wernicke's area, essential for language comprehension. Lesions in these areas (from strokes or accidents) result in distinct language deficits—Broca's aphasia affects speech production, while Wernicke's aphasia impairs comprehension.

Broca's Aphasia

Named after Paul Broca, individuals with Broca's aphasia struggle with speech production despite intact comprehension. They often speak in short, halting phrases and experience difficulty finding words (agrammatism).

The Cookie Theft picture from the Boston Diagnostic Aphasia Examination is commonly used to evaluate speech and language abilities, particularly in individuals with aphasia. The picture depicts a domestic scene in which a boy is precariously standing on a stool that is tipping over as he reaches for a jar of cookies on a high shelf. He is handing one cookie to a girl next to him. Meanwhile, their mother is washing dishes at the sink, with water overflowing from the sink onto the floor. The scene captures both the children’s mischief and the chaos in the kitchen.

Someone with Broca's aphasia, characterized by nonfluent speech, and effortful articulation might describe the picture with short, fragmented sentences and a lack of grammatical markers. They would likely focus on the most salient details using primarily nouns and verbs, while omitting function words (like "the," "is," or "and"). For example:

"Boy... uh... cookies... fall. Uh... uh... sink... water... uh... mom."

"Uh... stool... tipping... uh... girl... plate."

While their words are often accurate and convey the gist of the picture, their speech lacks fluency and grammatical complexity. Comprehension of the picture and its context is typically preserved, so they might recognize the entire scene but struggle to express it fully. Nonverbal cues, such as gestures, may accompany their description as they attempt to communicate.

Wernicke's Aphasia

In contrast, Wernicke's aphasia, associated with damage to Wernicke's area, results in fluent but nonsensical speech. These individuals have impaired comprehension and produce "word salad," wherein words are strung together without meaningful syntax.

Someone with Wernicke's aphasia, characterized by fluent but often nonsensical speech, might produce a description that is grammatically complex but semantically incoherent or disconnected from the picture's content. Their speech may include made-up words (neologisms), word substitutions (paraphasias), and difficulty staying on topic. For example, when describing the same cookie theft picture the person might say:

" Oh, the floobly is there with the sink, and the kids are... they’re splibbering around with the jar. The water’s just... it’s all over the place, and the... um... the mother, she’s doing the... uh, washing thing... and the kids are just, uh... they’re playing up there with the... with the candies, I think? Or cookies, maybe."

Despite the fluency, their description would lack clear meaning and might not convey an accurate understanding of the picture. Additionally, they might be unaware of the inaccuracies in their speech.

Critical Period Hypothesis / Sensitive Period Hypothesis

Research suggests a critical period in early childhood during which language acquisition must occur for optimal development. Case studies and Nicaraguan Sign Language also support the importance of early language exposure. However, there is ongoing debate about whether there is a critical period—a specific time during which a person must be exposed to language in order to acquire it—or a sensitive period—a time when people are better able to learn language, but it can still be learned outside of that period.

Genie’s case (1970s, California)

Genie was discovered at age 13 after a childhood of extreme isolation and abuse. She was confined to a small room, tied to a potty chair, and deprived of nearly all social interaction and linguistic input.

After her rescue, linguists and psychologists attempted to teach Genie language. She learned words and could communicate basic needs using symbols, showing she grasped semanticity (that symbols have meaning). However, she struggled with phonology (producing natural sounding spoken language) and syntax (forming grammatically correct sentences). For example, she often spoke in fragmented, telegraphic sentences like “Applesauce buy store.”

Genie made significant progress in vocabulary but failed to develop complex grammar, supporting the idea of a critical/sensitive period for acquiring syntax and phonology.

Victor’s case ("The Wild Boy of Aveyron")

Victor was a boy found in the forests of France in 1800, estimated to be about 12 years old. He had likely been abandoned as a young child and survived in the wild. He showed limited social or linguistic development upon his discovery.

Victor was taken in by Dr. Jean Marc Gaspard Itard, who attempted to teach him language and social norms. Like Genie, Victor learned some words and could associate symbols with objects, demonstrating semanticity, but he struggled significantly with phonology and syntax. He never acquired functional speech.

Victor’s case highlighted the challenges of teaching language to someone who missed early exposure during critical/sensitive developmental years.

Connection to Second-Language Learning

The challenges seen in Genie and Victor parallel difficulties adults face when learning a second language.

Phonology: Adults often struggle with the pronunciation of unfamiliar sounds because their brain's phonological system is already attuned to their first language.

Syntax: Learning the grammatical structure of a second language is harder for adults because the brain becomes less flexible in this domain after the critical period.

Semanticity: Unlike phonology and syntax, acquiring vocabulary (semantic knowledge) tends to be easier because it relies less on age-sensitive mechanisms.

Nicaraguan Sign Language

Nicaraguan Sign Language is a unique example of how language can spontaneously emerge when people are not exposed to an established linguistic system.

In the late 20th century, the Nicaraguan government attempted to teach language to deaf children by using a structured sign language system, hoping to give them a way to communicate. However, the children were not interested in this approach. Instead, they began to create their own system of signs, blending gestures and natural communication patterns. This spontaneous creation led to the development of a new, fully functional language: Nicaraguan Sign Language.

Judy Kegl's Research

Psycholinguist Judy Kegl, now a professor at the University of Southern Maine, went to Nicaragua to study these children and see what they were learning. To her surprise, she discovered that the children had developed a fully-fledged language, complete with its own grammar and structure. This was a striking demonstration of how language can emerge naturally, even in the absence of formal instruction, supporting the idea that language is instinctual.

The creation of Nicaraguan Sign Language illustrates that, if people are not exposed to a pre-existing language, they will develop their own means of communication. It also showed that children, in particular, are highly adaptable and can rapidly create a functional language system when needed.

Critical/Sensitive Periods and Language Acquisition

In contrast, older deaf individuals who were not exposed to language during a critical or sensitive period (such as during early childhood) struggled to fully acquire Nicaraguan Sign Language, or any language for that matter. These individuals, like Genie and Victor, have more difficulty mastering a language’s grammar and syntax, suggesting that early exposure to language is crucial for acquiring its full structure.

Cultural Aspects of Language: Language and thought

The Sapir-Whorf hypothesis has been a subject of debate regarding whether language affects thought processes. This hypothesis suggests that language can shape the way people think, from extreme views that suggest language is necessary for thought to more nuanced perspectives that the language one speaks can influence thought patterns.

Historically, one example often cited was the claim that Eskimo people have many words for snow, implying that their language reflects a deeper understanding or categorization of snow types. However, this claim has been contested, and it is not clear which group of people this initial claim was about. In addition linguistic studies reveal that Eskimo-Aleut languages actually have a modest number of words for snow, similar to how English has multiple terms like snow, sleet, slush, etc. This controversy, often termed the "Eskimo vocabulary hoax," highlights the caution needed in interpreting linguistic differences as indicative of cognitive differences.

Further evidence comes from studies on color perception across different language groups. For instance, Dani speakers in New Guinea, who have only two basic color terms, show similar color matching abilities to English speakers when presented with various shades. This suggests that despite linguistic differences in color terminology, cognitive abilities related to color perception remain consistent across these groups.

Moreover, research with the Berinmo speakers, who distinguish between shades of yellowish-green that English does not lexicalize distinctly, reveals interesting insights. In memory tasks where participants must recall previously seen colors, Berinmo speakers show better recall and discrimination for colors they have distinct terms for than English speakers who do not have these terms, and the opposite is found for words that English speakers have (e.g., blue and green) that Berinmo speakers do not. This supports the notion that language influences cognition by aiding in memory and retrieval processes.

Another compelling example comes from counting systems. Asian languages, such as Chinese and Japanese, which use a more transparent and structured numbering system (e.g., eleven as ten-one and twelve as ten-two, etc.), potentially foster better understanding of numerical concepts and place value compared to English, which has irregular teens (eleven, twelve, etc.).

Additionally, linguistic differences in spatial orientation provide further evidence. Languages like English use relative terms (left, right), which vary depending on the observer's perspective. In contrast, languages like Guugu Yimithirr use absolute terms (north, south), providing a fixed spatial reference irrespective of the observer's position. Studies show that speakers of languages with absolute spatial terms tend to think and navigate differently than those with relative terms, indicating a profound influence of language on spatial cognition.

As one example, Majid, et al. (2004), investigated how linguistic differences in spatial reference frames influence navigation and problem-solving. The study explored whether speakers of "relative" languages (which describe spatial relations relative to the observer, e.g., "left" and "right") differ from speakers of "absolute" languages (which use fixed cardinal directions like "north" and "south") in their spatial reasoning. Participants sat at a table and guided an avatar through a maze, noting the path. They then turned 180 degrees to solve a similar maze on a table behind them. Results revealed that speakers of relative languages typically used the observer-relative perspective and mirrored the avatar's movement (e.g., if the avatar turned right initially, they would turn right relative to themselves in the second maze). In contrast, speakers of absolute languages preserved the cardinal directions, solving the maze in alignment with the absolute path (e.g., if the avatar turned north initially, they would turn north in the second maze). See Figure 9.1 for the experimental setup and Figure 9.2 for the data. This study highlighted how language shapes cognitive strategies for spatial tasks.

Depiction of experimental setup that shows that linguistic differences in spatial reference frames influence navigation and problem-solving. Participants are seated at a table and must solve a maze.

Figure 9.1. Depiction of experimental setup that shows that linguistic differences in spatial reference frames influence navigation and problem-solving. Participants are seated at a table and must solve a maze. Here the correct answer is shown in yellow. The critical question is how people will solve a similar maze located behind them when they swivel 180 degrees in their chair. Will they solve this in the same relative manner (toward them and then to the right; shown in blue) or will they solve this in the same absolute manner (south and then east; shown in red)?

"Depiction of experimental setup that shows that linguistic differences in spatial reference frames influence navigation and problem-solving." by Kahan, T.A. is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA 4.0

Depiction of the data that show that linguistic differences in spatial reference frames influence navigation and problem-solving.

Figure 9.2. Depiction of the data that show that linguistic differences in spatial reference frames influence navigation and problem-solving. Participants who speak a relative language (Dutch) are more likely to solve this in a relative manner (blue bars) and participants who speak an absolute language (Tzeltal) are more likely to solve this in an absolute manner (red bars).

"Depiction of the data that show that linguistic differences in spatial reference frames influence navigation and problem-solving." by Kahan, T.A. is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA 4.0

In conclusion, while extreme versions of the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis suggesting language is necessary for thought are largely discredited, empirical evidence supports the idea that language shapes cognition in various ways. From memories of colors to spatial orientation and numerical understanding, language influences how individuals perceive, categorize, and interact with the world around them, highlighting the intricate relationship between language and thought processes.

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