CHAPTER 7

Historical Discourse of War and Peace in Post-Independence West Africa: An Analysis of Causes, Impact, and Peace Efforts

Jackson A. Aluede, PhD

Anchor University, Lagos

and

James Olusegun Adeyeri, PhD

Lagos State University, Ojo, Nigeria

INTRODUCTION

In Africa, the 1960s ushered in a new era of freedom and development following the attainment of independence by several countries across the continent, though Ghana, Egypt, and Liberia had already achieved sovereign status. This notwithstanding, shortly after, the continent witnessed the first wave of wars (civil wars) in the form of violent conflicts in some of the newly independent states—namely, Angola, Nigeria, the Republic of Chad, Somalia, Sudan, Uganda, and Zaire. These wars culminated in the death of millions of people, created refugee crises, internally displaced persons (IDPs), and ruined the economic development efforts of these states. Similarly, in the post-Cold War period, another wave of violent conflicts erupted in some parts of the continent such as Burundi, Guinea, Liberia, Rwanda, and Sierra Leone. Like the first wave of conflict, the second was not different in terms of its impact; also, there were extensive genocide and ethnic cleansing. In both waves of violent conflicts, preliminary findings reveal that the causes are similar—namely colonial legacy, uneven distribution of lands and mineral resources, political victimization, ethnic domination, the absence of internal democracy and good governance, rule of law, equity, and religious intolerance.

Likewise, efforts at restoring peace in the states engulfed in violent conflict have been herculean because of the diverse interests involved in the peace processes. West Africa shared a similar history in terms of war and peace since the 1960s. The outbreak of violent conflicts in the sub-region had stultified development, led to the killings of innocent children and women, and brought the destruction of infrastructural facilities. From the foregoing, this chapter investigates the historical trajectory of violent conflict patterns in West Africa since the 1960s. It not only historicizes the patterns of violent conflicts in West Africa but likewise interrogates the peace processes that were initiated to end the wars. The chapter employs secondary sources and utilizes the theory of protracted social conflict (PSC) to provide insight into the root of conflicts in post-independent West Africa and how to resolve them.

WEST AFRICA AND THE OUTBREAK OF WAR AFTER INDEPENDENCE

The second half of the 20th century marked a new phase in Africa’s efforts toward self-actualization of innate and mineral resource potentials following the attainment of independence from European colonial rule. In Africa, colonialism stultified economic, political, and socio-cultural development across most of the countries under colonial rule except for Ethiopia, which was never colonized by any western power from Europe or North America.^[1] In other words, Africa was exploited during the colonial era. Regarding French colonial enterprise in West Africa, B. Ọlatunji Ọlọruntimẹhin made the following submission:

With independence attained, the new leaders of Africa began the process of addressing the challenges of underdevelopment inherited from colonialism and driving their respective states on the path of socio-economic and political development. They initiated various programs to stimulate and drive economic and infrastructural development across their respective states. Furthermore, efforts were geared toward improving the living standards of their people through aggressive job creation opportunities; providing qualitative education by building primary, secondary and tertiary educational institutions; and creating regional blocs to promote economic integration and cooperation among the respective states across Africa.^[3] Unfortunately for the continent, the optimism that greeted the enthusiasm shown by the continent’s leaders to chart the course of progress soon gave in to pessimism arising from various factors—namely, colonial legacies, bad governance, ethnic marginalization, and corruption^[4]—and subsequently culminated in the outbreak of wars, particularly intra-state conflicts across the respective regions.^[5]

The outbreak of wars in post-colonial Africa manifested in various forms such as inter-state wars, intra-state wars (civil war), liberation struggle, and insurgencies. These wars had enormous consequences on the new states. For instance, the first wave of civil wars in some newly independent states—namely, Angola, Nigeria, the Republic of Chad, Somalia, Sudan, Uganda, and Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of Congo)—between the 1960s and the mid-1980s, resulted in the death of millions of lives, created a refugee crisis, internally displaced persons (IDPs), and ruined the economic development efforts of these states. Similarly, the outbreak of civil wars in these states polarized the states along ethnic and religious lines and created bitterness among the elites, political class, and the masses. In the same vein, in the post-Cold War period, another wave of violent conflicts erupted in some parts of the continent such as Burundi, Guinea, ^[6]Rwanda, and Sierra Leone. The second wave of conflicts in Africa was not different from the first in terms of its impact, as there were many instances of genocide and ethnic cleansing among the contending groups. West Africa was one of the major theatres of civil wars in Africa in the post-colonial period. The same factors that contributed to the outbreak of wars in the form of intra-state conflicts in other parts of the continent equally led to the outbreak of civil wars in some states in West Africa.

The countries of West Africa were colonized by different western powers, chiefly the British and the French; others were the Germans, Portuguese, Spanish, and the United States. Liberia was the first country in the sub-region to attain independence in 1847 from the United States, followed by Ghana in 1957, and by the 1960s, several other countries had attained^[7] West Africa comprised the following countries: Benin, Burkina Faso, Cape Verde, Cote d’ Ivoire, the Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Nigeria, Saint Helena^[8] These countries consist of several ethnic groups, such as the Ashanti, Bambara, Edo, Fon, Fulani, Hausa, Ibo, Kpelle, Kru, Malinke, Memne, Mende, Mossi, Nupe, Kanuri, the Serer, Songhai, Soninke, Yoruba, and Wolof (Mabogunje, 1971: 15, 20, 26).^[9] These ethnic groups were partitioned into the respective colonies of the contending colonial masters across the West Africa sub-region during the colonial era and endorsed through the Berlin Conference on Africa, 1884-85, and after.^[10]

CONCEPTUAL CLARIFICATION WAR

For clarity and understanding of some concepts that will run through this chapter and the sense in which they will be used, it is imperative to explain and analyze such concepts. One such concept is war. The outbreak of war is as old as human history. Every human society has been involved in one form of warfare or the other. Similarly, literature on the causes, impact, and nature of warfare from different parts of the world dating back to several millennials has revealed various dimensions of wars and their attendant consequences on human lives and society at large.^[11] The conduct of war and warfare has been a major phenomenon in human history, largely due to its ugly nature and attendant consequences, which have resulted in the death of millions of people and the destruction of economic activities of warring nations. Scholars, from ancient to modern times, have viewed war from different perspectives; some have depicted war as state policy, while others considered it a paramount evil to be eliminated.^[12] The nature of war, particularly the divergent views for and against war, has further complicated the definitions of war. Various scholars from different epochs have tried to define war and why nations go to war. However, German war tactician and writer Karl Von Clausewitz defines war as an act of violence intended to compel our opponent to fulfil our will.^[13]

Clausewitz's definition of war reveals that war is an intended act of violence between two opposing groups, parties, or nations, whereby victory over the other is the goal. War from this perspective would be viewed as irreconcilable differences between two independent associations, groups, individuals, parties, and states that felt their national interest, existence, values, and ideologies have been threatened. Most wars before the second half of the 20th century were interstate wars, wars between two rival countries. This trend has changed significantly since the second half of the^[14]th century when most wars have been intrastate wars, also referred to as civil wars. The outbreak of civil wars in many countries in different parts of the world since the 1950s is the product of domestic upheavals caused by various factors, including secession agitations, ethnic and communal differences, political marginalization, bad governance, corruption, and other causes. ^[15]

PEACE

The concept of peace has attracted attention among scholars for centuries during which several scholars across disciplines have tried to define it. It is generally accepted among scholars that peace is the absence of war.^[16] Johan Galtung sheds light on the nexus between peace and violence, defining peace as the absence of violence and as the social goal.^[17] Both definitions conceive peace as the opposite of war; in other words, wherever there is war there cannot be peace. There are other definitions of peace that emphasize the relationship between peace and justice. For instance, according to Martin Luther King Jr., true peace is not merely the absence of tension: it is the presence of justice.^[18] This notwithstanding, the absence of war gives room for peace. Developments across the world have revealed that war has stultified development and progress. Concerning West Africa, the outbreak of wars since the 1960s, especially civil wars, has contributed to the underdevelopment witnessed in some of the affected countries. However, various efforts have been made to promote peace and to end war as well as to chart the path to progress. Peace is essential if the sub-region will make any meaningful progress toward development and justice for its people. This work, therefore, conceives peace as not just the absence of war, but as instrumental to achieving political and socio-economic development in a state.

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK: PROTRACTED SOCIAL CONFLICT (PSC)

Theories are essential tools that enlighten and enrich our understanding of economic, political, and socio-cultural phenomena that shape world societies. Several scholars have propounded various theories to explain the causes of war and how to address some of the factors that have led nations and ethnic groups within a state to go to war or resort to violent conflict. One such theory is the Protracted Social Conflict (PSC), propounded by Edward Azar in the 1990s. PSC, according to Azar, provides insight into the root of conflicts during the Cold War period and how to resolve them.^[19] Azar argues that critical factors responsible for PSC in some countries—such as Lebanon, Northern Ireland, the Philippines, Nigeria, South Africa, Sri Lanka, ^[20]countries—was the prolonged and often violent struggle by communal groups for such basic needs as security, recognition and acceptance, fair access to political institutions, and economic participation. Moreover, the root of conflicts in some of the states Azar used as case studies has transcended the Cold War era, as events have shown in Africa and the Balkan region in Eastern Europe since the 1990s. Several domestic upheavals bordering on bad governance, ethnic marginalization, religious divides, corruption,^[21]the form of civil wars, secession disputes, and insurgency. Furthermore, Azar argued that PSC emphasized that the sources of conflicts lay predominantly within (and across) rather than between states, with four clusters of variables identified as preconditions for transformation to high levels of intensity.

The four clusters are communal content, deprivation of human needs, authority to govern and use force, and international linkages. Azar concludes that the role of the state concerning PSC is to satisfy or frustrate basic communal needs, thus preventing or promoting conflict.^[22] Azar’s theory of PSC applies to the outbreak of violent conflicts in West Africa since the 1960s. A thorough analysis of violent conflicts in West Africa reveals that the causes of the conflicts or wars had emanated from within, fueled by the failure of the political class to address some fundamental issues that threaten the survival of their respective states.

CAUSES OF WAR IN POST-COLONIAL NIGERIA, LIBERIA, AND SIERRA LEONE

Several factors were responsible for the outbreak of war in some states in West Africa in the post-colonial period—namely, the colonial legacy and bad governance. One of the causes of war in post-colonial Nigeria, Liberia, and Sierra Leone was their colonial legacy or experience. Colonial legacy refers to the long-lasting tradition of European colonial rule in Africa that has severely impacted ^[23]The effects of colonial legacy on Africa are encapsulated in, but not limited to, the effects of the scramble and partitioning of the continent, the divide and rule tactics of the colonial masters aimed at creating animosity among the different ethnic groups, the exploitation of Africa’s mineral resources, ^[24] Post-colonial Nigeria, Liberia, and Sierra Leone were victims of some of these features of colonial legacy following their attainment of independence from their respective colonial masters. These features contributed to the outbreak of the Nigerian Civil War (1967-1970); likewise, the same features ^[25] the outbreak of civil wars in Liberia and Sierra Leone in the 1990s.^[26]

The scramble and partitioning of West Africa during the colonial period contributed to the heterogeneous configuration of the states in their current form. The development laid the foundation of ethnic/religious and communal differences among the countries being examined. The process started in the second half of the 19th century through conquest and the signing of treaties between the Europeans and the rulers of West Africa and climaxed at the Berlin Conference in Germany in 1884-85.^[27] The Berlin Conference not only carved the different ethnic groups in West Africa into different colonial territories but also led to the separation of ethnic groups with a shared history and unified those without historical, cultural, and religious bonds.^[28]

Owing to the scramble and partition of West Africa, the British colonial masters were able to unify the Edo, Fulani, Hausas, Ibos, Igala, Kalabari, Yoruba, and many other ethnic groups into one territory. The same was the case with Sierra Leone during the colonial period; the British colonial authorities fused the coastal ethnic groups dominated by the Creole with the Gola, the Limba, Mende, Sherbro, and Temne, among others.^[29] In Liberia, the United States was responsible for the formation of the state during the colonial era. Unlike other territories’ colonial masters in West Africa, the United States granted early independence to Liberia in 1847, having overseen the unification of Americo-Liberia (returning slaves) from the United States with Indigenous peoples—namely, the Krahn, Mandingo Gio, a^[30]

Unfortunately, little or nothing was done by the colonial masters to promote unity in diversity between the amalgamated ethnic groups; instead, they exploited their differences through divide and rule tactics, and this development led to a gap in the socio-cultural and political relations among the diverse ethnic groups in post-colonial West Africa. This action, according to Afigbo, could be described as the process by which unsympathetic and uncomprehending imperialists shattered the idyllic world of colonial peoples, leaving in its place turmoil, instability, and uncertainty.^[31] Unfortunately, the development sowed the seeds of rivalry, bitterness, and rancor among the ethnic groups who questioned the decision of their respective colonial masters to merge them, despite their differences in religion, ethnicity, and culture. Moreover, developments in some of these countries, such as Nigeria, revealed they were never ready to work together based on differences that manifested in the form of nepotism, ethnic/religious crisis, and census and election manipulations in favor of the ethnic group in power, culminating in political instability.^[32] These developments contributed to the outbreak of the Nigerian Civil War, the first wave of civil wars in post-colonial West Africa in the 1960s. The same played out in the outbreak of the second wave of civil wars across West Africa in the 1990s, as shown by the Liberia and Sierra Leone cases.

Colonial legacy contributed to ethnic marginalization witnessed in several states of West Africa after independence, arising from the partitioning of West Africa. The dominant ethnic groups based on their numbers deliberately marginalized the minority ethnic groups, particularly in the political space and the distribution of wealth in their respective countries. In Nigeria, the dominant ethnic groups—namely the Hausa/Fulani, Igbo, and Yoruba—continue to dominate the other ethnic groups in the country. The dominance of the Hausa/Fulani to control the machinery of government based on their numbers not only contributed to the collapse of the first republic through a military coup in January 1966 but also set the stage for the country’s civil war. Americo-Liberia dominated the political space of Liberia for over a century after independence in 1847. They denied the Ingenious Liberians—namely the Gio, Krahn, Loma, and Mano and Mandingo—access to power until 1980 when Sergeant Samuel Doe of the Krahn ethnic group ceased power from Americo-Liberia through a bloody coup. However, shortly after becoming the Head of State of Liberia, Samuel Doe not only was oppressive against the Americo-Liberians, but likewise, marginalized other ethnic groups in Liberia. The desire of President Samuel Doe to dominate other ethnic groups in Liberia and their determination to resist his rule plunged the country into the abyss of civil war. The situation was not different in Sierra Leone, where the Creoles dominated the smaller ethnic groups in the country. The failure of the post-colonial leaders of these countries to manage the ethnic majority/minority dichotomy fueled the outbreak of wars in their countries.

Similarly, the political system of administration introduced by the colonial masters in West Africa and their attempt to favor one group over another divided the ethnic groups. In Nigeria and Sierra Leone, the British indirect rule system resulted in contrasting ways influenced by the nature and patterns of the colonial authorities’ relations with some of the ethnic groups. For instance, in colonial Nigeria, the indirect rule political system worked successfully in the northern part of the country compared to the south. In the same vein, the colonial authorities favored the Muslim north over Christian south. This created rift and suspicion between the southern and the northern parts of the country and accounted for the outbreak of several political upheavals that bedeviled the country, culminating in the untimely termination of the first republic and the outbreak of the country’s civil war.^[33] On the other hand, the Creole people partly because of their education were favored by the British colonial authorities compared to other Indigenous ethnic groups in Sierra Leone; the same can be said of Liberia, as the Americo-Liberians were favored compared to the Indigenous settlers, by the American colonizers.^[34] For over a century, the Americo-Liberians dominated the politics of Liberia until 1980, when a military coup ended Americo-Liberian dominance.

Apart from the effects of colonial legacy on Nigeria, Liberia, and Sierra Leone in the outbreak of wars, the entrenchment of bad governance by some of the leaders had equally created political instability that engulfed these states, resulting in the outbreak of civil wars and secession disputes. Bad governance is being increasingly regarded as one of the root causes of all evil within modern societies.^[35] The link between bad governance and the outbreak of violent conflicts in West Africa is corroborated by Abdel-Fatau Musah:

Simply put, bad governance indicates a failure in leadership and administration. In other words, it is the deliberate act of some leaders to manipulate the machinery of the state for self-actualization of their socio-economic and political ambition to the disadvantage of the generality of their citizens. Bad governance is the opposite of good governance that consists of eight major characteristics—namely, participation, consensus orientation, accountability, transparency, responsiveness, effectiveness and efficiency, equity, inclusiveness, and rule of law. Good governance assures that corruption is minimized, the views of minorities are considered, a^[37] the voices of the most vulnerable in society are heard in decision-making. It is also responsive to the present and future needs of society. This, however, has not been the case for several countries in Africa and West Africa in particular. The seeds of bad governance in post-independence Nigeria, Liberia, and Sierra Leone by some of its leaders laid the foundations for political instability, office elongation, corruption, manipulation of election and census results, victimization and unlawful arrest of political opponents, abuse of the rule of law and the constitution, and the suppression of freedom of the press. Unfortunately, bad governance has equally threatened the democratization process in these states, raising some fundamental questions about whether they would be able to sustain the drive to democratic rule. Bad governance features prominently in the outbreak of wars in post-colonial Nigeria, Liberia, and Sierra Leone since independence.

Bad governance contributed to the remote causes of the Nigerian Civil War, after the collapse of the First Republic (1960-1966). The January military coup plotters led by Major Kaduna Nzeogwu cited one of the reasons they struck as bad governance manifesting in corruption, census and election malpractices, suppression of the will of the people, and ethnic marginalization among others.^[38] The fallout of the January military coup and that of July 1966 and the failure of the military hierarchy to find a lasting solution to the political impasse between the federal government and the Biafran secessionists made the country’s civil war inevitable.

Like in Nigeria, bad governance was responsible for the Liberian (1989-1997 and 1997-2003) and Sierra Leonean (1991-2001) civil wars. In Liberia, the administrations of Samuel Doe and Charles Taylor plunged the country into civil war partly caused by bad governance. The Samuel Doe administration was characterized by all forms of bad governance, such as ethnic marginalization and victimization, corruption, manipulation of the constitution, among other features.^[39] The dictatorial nature of the Samuel Doe administration led other ethnic groups to join forces with Charles Taylor, an Americo-Liberian financed by Muammar Gaddafi of Libya to oust Doe from power.^[40] Samuel Doe was killed during the civil war. Charles Taylor succeeded Samuel Doe; his administration was characterized by oppressive rule and disregard for human rights, which unfortunately contributed to the Second Liberian Civil War.^[41] The same can be said of Sierra Leone during the 1990s although the Sierra Leone conflict was a spill-over from Liberia, having been orchestrated by Charles Taylor and his National Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL), which supported Foday Sankoh’s Revolutionary United Front (RUF) rebel group to oust the civilian administration of President Momoh in 1991.^[42] From 1991 to 2000, Sierra Leone was engulfed in civil wars fuelled by power tussles among its military leaders and rebel groups struggling partly to control the country’s diamond fields.^[43]

IMPACT OF WAR IN POST-COLONIAL NIGERIA, LIBERIA, AND SIERRA LEONE

The impact of war in the following countries being examined left an indelible imprint that has not been healed up to the present, despite efforts to right the errors among the belligerent groups. The war had socio-economic and political implications on the lives of the people, and it brought untold hardship, loss of lives, destruction of property, a refugee crisis, and suspicion and hatred among the different ethnic groups. One of the impacts of the outbreak of civil wars in post-colonial Nigeria, Liberia, and Sierra Leone was the loss of lives on both sides of the warring groups.

The Nigerian Civil War, for instance, led to the death of over one million Biafrans comprising of children, women, the elderly, and soldiers of war.^[44] The number of deaths was different from those that sustained different forms of injuries. Similarly, the economic activities of the peoples of the eastern region were adversely affected by the war within and outside the region; likewise, the war led to the destruction of infrastructural facilities in the region. Unfortunately, after over 50 years of war, efforts to reconcile the people of eastern Nigeria have failed to yield the needed result; instead, they continued to demand separation from the federation through various agitations, partly because of the suffering they experienced during the war.^[45]

The Liberian and Sierra Leonean civil wars, like that of Nigeria, experienced loss of lives among the warring parties. In Liberia, over 250,000 persons died during the country’s 14-year civil war between 1989 and 2003.^[46] The same may also be said of Sierra Leone, where an estimated 200,000 people were killed during the nation’s civil war between 1991 and 2001.^[47] Similarly, injuries were sustained by the belligerents on both sides of the civil wars. One of the frightening dimensions of the Liberian and Sierra Leonean civil wars was the use of child soldiers by rebel groups.^[48] The child soldiers were engaged in wanton killings of their rivals. Moreover, the unprecedented loss of lives during the civil wars in Nigeria, Liberia, and Sierra Leone drained human resources available to the sub-region.

Another impact of the civil wars in the countries under consideration is that they created refugee crises in the sub-region. Many families were displaced, some were moved to internally displaced persons (IDPs) camps, while those who could leave fled to neighboring countries for safety. Intra-state conflict in West Africa has indeed contributed to the sub-region refugee problem. For instance, in Liberia, the 2004 Report of the Global Coalition for Africa noted that an estimated 700,000 persons were internally displaced as of 2003.^[49] The spill-over effects of the Liberian conflicts were felt in neighboring countries through increased refugee flows. About 3,000 Liberians were hosted by Nigeria at the height of the crisis while an appreciable number of them also became refugees in Guinea.^[50] In the same vein, the Sierra Leone civil war resulted in many Sierra Leoneans scattered across the sub-region, especially in Gambia and its immediate neighbors. In the case of Nigeria, during the country’s civil war, many people from the eastern region of the country fled the region to Gabon and Cote d’Ivoire, only to return after the war.^[51]

PEACE PROCESSES IN RESOLVING THE WARS

Various peace initiatives were initiated to resolve the lingering civil wars in the countries being examined. At the international level, the structure of the international system influenced the extent to which the international community could intervene in restoring peace in the affected countries. Nigeria attained independence during the Cold War when the international system was polarized into two rival ideological blocs, the capitalist camp led by the United States and its Western European allies, and the communist camp led by the Soviet Union and its Eastern European allies. However, there was a third bloc known as the Non-Aligned Movement, comprising of Africa and other developing countries that wished to remain neutral from the rivalry between the other contending blocs. Unfortunately, some of these countries maintained close ties with either of the blocs. Nigeria, for example, after independence maintained close ties with its former colonial master, Britain.^[52]

Before the outbreak of Nigeria’s civil war, the British government made efforts to restore peace and reconcile the warring camps without success. Similarly, the British government resisted any country, particularly from the communist bloc, to intervene in the war because Britain considered Nigeria in their sphere of interest and therefore would not tolerate any external powers meddling in the affairs of their former colony.^[53] However, the British government made it known they would sell weapons to any of the warring camps, particularly the Nigerian government. This development to a large extent impacted the process of restoring peace among the warring parties before and during the Nigerian Civil War.

At the regional level, the Organization of African Unity (OAU), established in 1963, could not intervene in the war, partly because one of the resolutions of the organization prevented external intervention in the domestic affairs of member states. Nonetheless, the regional body made attempts to intervene in the war but was prevented by the Nigerian government, stating that the war was a domestic affair.^[54] Therefore, no external actor was allowed to intervene. The Nigerian Civil War eventually ended on January 1, 1970, following Biafra’s surrender to the Nigerian government, after thirty months of bitter and bloody fighting.

The structure of the international system after the demise of the Cold War impacted significantly the nature of intervention and peace process before and during the outbreak of the Liberian and Sierra Leonean civil wars in the 1990s.^[55] The Liberian Civil War broke out during the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1989, which ended over forty years of ideological rivalry between the Western and Eastern blocs. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, the United States and its western allies took every necessary effort to absorb the breakaway states of Eastern Europe into the western orbit.^[56] This development in the early 1990s made the United States and its allies pay little attention to what was happening in developing countries such as Liberia and Sierra Leone engulfed in intra-state conflict in the form of civil wars. Similarly, the outbreak of the ^[57] Unfortunately, while the western allies led by the United States and backed by the UN engaged Iraq in the Gulf War over Kuwait, thousands were being killed in the Liberian Civil War.

In West Africa, some individual states such as Burkina Faso, Ghana, Nigeria, and Senegal, among others, made efforts to intervene and restore peace in Liberia as well as Sierra Leone, but the initiatives failed to achieve their purpose.^[58] This notwithstanding, progress toward restoring peace and ending the wars in Liberia and Sierra Leone was recorded following the creation of the ECOWAS Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) in 1990.^[59] The creation of ECOMOG was initiated at the 13th Summit of ECOWAS Heads of States and Government, in Banjul, Gambia, in May 1990, as a security architecture to intervene and restore peace and order in ECOWAS countries.^[60] This ECOWAS interventionist and peace initiative is credited to Nigeria’s Head of State at the time, General Ibrahim Babangida. He conceived the formation of a Standing Mediation Committee (SMC) with a view to tackling any conflicts between ”two or more member states.”^[61] ECOWAS leaders at the 13th Summit of ECOWAS ratified the mandate of the SMC as well as saddled it with the task of intervention and peaceful resolution of conflicts among ECOWAS member states.

As part of measures to restore peace in the Liberian Civil War, the SMC made efforts to reach out to some of the warring groups, particularly the Armed Forces of Liberia (AFL) and the National Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL) to agree to an immediate cease-fire and to end the armed conflict in their country.^[62] SMC engaged in fast-track diplomacy and other traditional mediation approaches to find a lasting solution to the crisis.^[63]

The ECOWAS Mandate was clearly stated in the ECOWAS Peace Plan to resolve the conflict and restore peace in Liberia in line with the provisions of the SMC established in Banjul in 1990. It is imperative to state that this ECOWAS Mandate has since remained a veritable instrument for resolving conflicts in the sub-region. Thus, the Mandate had been used by ECOWAS to intervene in member countries involved in civil war. Among the provisions or templates of the ECOMOG Mandate are the imposition of a cease-fire, disarmament of the warring parties, end of carnage against civilians, imposition of an embargo on the acquisition and import of arms, establishment of an interim government, preparation for elections, and the evacuation of foreign nationals.^[64]ECOMOG was instrumental in ending the Liberian Civil Wars.

ECOMOG also played a key role in the restoration of peace in Sierra Leone. ECOMOG’s intervention in Sierra Leone was again spearheaded by Nigeria, this time under the military regime of General Sani Abacha.^[65] Ghana and Guinea also sent peacekeepers to maintain peace and ensure the return of the government of Ahmed Tejah Kabbah toppled in a military coup.^[66] The Abacha-led military government committed Nigerian forces to ECOMOG to help restore peace in Sierra Leone, and in the process stationed a large contingent of Nigeria-led ECOMOG troops in the war-torn country.^[67] The presence of Nigeria-led ECOMOG troops as well as those of Ghana and Guinea in Sierra Leone ensured that the Sierra Leonean conflict was eventually brought to an end.

CONCLUSION

The chapter examined the causes and impact of wars in the form of civil wars in selected West African countries—namely, Nigeria, Liberia, and Sierra Leone—in the second half of the 20th century and shed light on efforts to restore peace in the countries. It identified and detailed colonial legacy and bad governance as partially key factors responsible for the outbreak of civil wars in Nigeria, Liberia, and Sierra Leone. The work revealed that very high human casualties were recorded during the civil wars, just as many people had to flee their homes because of the war. Furthermore, the civil wars in Nigeria, Liberia, and Sierra Leone stultified any form of development during the period. The various peace processes to resolve the armed conflicts in the three countries as well as the role of the structure of the international system during and after the Cold War in these processes were also examined. The study affirms that war in whatever form distorts progress, as exemplified by the cases of Nigeria, Liberia, and Sierra Leone, and that warring parties should always consider the welfare and other interests of the generality of their people before going to war. The chapter recommends that the leaders of Nigeria, Liberia, Sierra Leone, and other West African states should seriously address the issues of colonial legacy in whatever form through the instrumentality of nation-building. Similarly, the leaders should promote the principles of good governance in their respective countries.

END NOTES

1. A. Adu Boahen, “Africa and the Colonial Challenge” in General History of Africa Vol. VII: Africa under Colonial Domination 1880-1935 edited by A. Adu Boahen (London: Heinemann Educational Books Ltd, 1992), 1. ↑

2. B. Ọlatunji Ọlọruntimẹhin, “The French Estate in West Africa, 1890-1918” Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria, vol. 7, no. 3 (1974): 448. ↑

3. Olajide Aluko, “The Determinants of the Foreign Policies of African States” in The Foreign Policies of African States edited by Olajide Aluko (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1977), 5 – 6.↑

4. Martin Meredith, The State of Africa: A History of Fifty Years of Independence (London: Free Press, 2005), 13. ↑

5. Errol A. Henderson, “When States Implode: Africa’s Civil Wars” in The Roots of African Conflicts: The Causes & Cost edited by Alfred Nhema & Tiyambe Zeleza (Oxford: James Curry Ltd, 2008), 52; Oliver Ramsbotham, Tom Woodhouse, and Miall, Hugh (eds.). Contemporary Conflict Resolution: The Prevention, Management and Transformation of Deadly Conflict (2nd ed.). (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2005), 72. ↑

6. Alexandre Marc, Neelam Verjee, and Stephen Mogaka, Responding to the Challenge of Fragility and Security in West Africa, (Washington, DC: World Bank, 2015), 4; René Lemarchand, Patterns of State Collapse and Reconstruction in Central Africa: Reflections on the Crisis in the Great Lakes Region. Africa Spectrum vol. 3 no.2 (1997): 173 – 193; René Lemarchand, Genocide in the Great Lakes: Which Genocide? Whose Genocide? African Studies Review vol. 41, no. 1 (1998): 3 –16.↑

7. Martin Meredith, The State of Africa: A History of Fifty Years of Independence, 13.↑

8. West African Countries – African Studies and African Countries University of Pittsburgh Resources www.pit.libguides.com (accessed 28th August, 2020). ↑

9. Akin Mabogunje, “The Land and Peoples of West Africa” in History of West Africa Vol. I edited by J.F. Ade Ajayi and Michael Crowther (London: Longman Group Ltd 1971), 15, 20, 26. ↑

10. See J.C. Anene, The International Boundaries of Nigeria 1885 – 1960: The Framework of an Emergent African Nation (London: Longman Group Limited, 1970); see A.I. Asiwaju, Artificial Boundaries, An Inaugural Lecture delivered at the University of Lagos. (Lagos: University of Press, 1984)↑

11. Thucydides, The Peloponnesian War (New York: Penguin Books, 1972); Sun Tzu, The Art of War (London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1981); Geoffrey Parker, The Thirty Years’ War Second edition (London: Routledge, 1997), 86; Anthony Clayton Frontiersmen: Warfare in Africa since 1950 (London: UCL Press 1999), 6. ↑

12. A. Levoy Bennett, International Organizations: Principles and Issues Sixth edition (New Jersey Prentice-Hall, 1997), 12. ↑

13. Carl Von Clausewitz, On War (New York: Penguin Books Ltd, 1968), 101.↑

14. Stephen E. Sachs, The Changing Definition of Security http://www.stevesachscom/pages security html (accessed 22nd October 2020). ↑

15. Jean-Paul Azam “The Redistributive State and Conflicts in Africa” Journal of Peace Research vol. 38, no.4, (2001): 429 – 444; Paul Collier and Anke Hoeffler, Greed and Grievance in Civil War, Oxford Economic Papers 56: (2004): 563 – 594.↑

16. Chapter Two Concept of Peace www.uop.edu.pk (accessed January 24, 2022). ↑

17. Johan Galtung, “Violence, Peace, and Peace Research” in Essays on Peace: Paradigms for Global Order edited by Michael Salla et al., (Central Queensland University Press,1995), 1. ↑

18. Chapter Two Concept of Peace www.uop.edu.pk↑

19. Edward Azar, The Management of Protracted Social Conflict: Theory and Cases. (Aldershot: Dartmouth, 1990), 23. ↑

20. Oliver Ramsbotham, Tom Woodhouse, and Miall, Hugh (eds.). Contemporary Conflict Resolution: The Prevention, Management and Transformation of Deadly Conflict (2nd ed.). (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2005), 84.↑

21. Misha Glenny, The Balkans: Nationalism, War and the Great Powers, 1804 – 1999, (New York; Viking Penguin Publishers 2000), 635; Jean-Paul Azam, “The Redistributive State and Conflicts in Africa” Journal of Peace Research vol. 38, no.4, (2001): 429 – 444.↑

22. Oliver Ramsbotham, Tom Woodhouse, and Miall, Hugh (eds.). Contemporary Conflict Resolution: The Prevention, Management and Transformation of Deadly Conflict, 90.↑

23. A.B. Atkinson, “The Colonial legacy: Income Inequality in former British African Colonies” Research Brief, United Nations University, UNU-WIDER (2014), 1.↑

24. Michael Crowder, West Africa Under Colonial Rule (London: Hutchinson & Co (Publishers), Ltd, 1968), 223.↑

25. James Olusegun Adeyeri and Jackson A. Aluede, “Ethnic Propaganda, Hate Speech and Mass Violence in Igbo-Hausa/Fulani Relations in Post-Colonial Nigeria” The Thinker, Vol. 89, (2021): 80; Jackson A. Aluede and Tokunbo A. Ayoola, “Ethnic and Boundary Conflict in Africa” in Nation Building in Africa: Issues, Challenges and Emerging Trends edited by Obi Iwuagwu (Lagos: University of Lagos and Bookshop Ltd., 2020) 351 – 352. ↑

26. J.C. Anene, “Rationalizing African Borders: Focus on Nigeria” in Borders in Africa: An Anthology of the Policy History edited by A.I. Asiwaju (Addis Ababa: the Institute for Peace and Security Studies, 2015), 341. ↑

27. Saadia Touval, “Partitioned Groups and Inter-State Relations” in Partitioned Africans: Ethnic Relations across Africa’s International Boundaries, 1884 – 1984 edited A.I. Asiwaju (London: C. Hurst & Company, 1984), 224.↑

28. S. Ademola Ajayi, From Amalgamation to the Quest for National Integration in Nigeria: Issues, Challenges and Prospects” The 40th Anniversary Lecture of the Department of History & International Studies, University of Ilorin, Nigeria (Book Wright Publishers, 2017), 8; Michael Crowder, West Africa Under Colonial Rule, 154 – 155. ↑

29. Godwin Ndubisi. Onuoha, “Local and External Intersections in African Conflicts: Trends and Perspectives in the Liberian Experience” Nigerian Journal of Policy and Development vol. 3, (2004): 23 – 41.↑

30. A.E. Afigbo, “The Social Repercussions of Colonial Rule: The New Social Structures” in General History of Africa- Vii: Africa under Colonial Domination 1880-1935 edited A. Adu Boahen (London: Heinemann Educational Books Ltd, 1985), 487. ↑

31. David Aworawo, “Nigeria from Independence to the Year 2000” in History and Cultures of Nigeria up to AD 2000 edited by Akinjide Osuntokun et al. (Lagos: Frankad Publishers, 2003), 109.↑

32. T.N. Tamuno, “British Colonial Administration in Nigeria in the Twentieth Century” in Groundwork of Nigerian History edited by Obaro Ikime (Ibadan: Heinemann Educational Books (Nigeria) Limited, 1980), 400.↑

33. Michael Crowder, West Africa Under Colonial Rule, 214; F.K. Buah, West Africa Since A.D. 1000: The People and Outsider (London: Macmillan Education Limited, 1977), 70.↑

34. What is Good Governance? www.unescap.org/pdd (accessed August 12 2021). ↑

35. Abdel-Fatau Musah, “Governance and Security in a Changing Region” International Peace Institute (2009): 4.↑

36. Yu Keping, “Governance and Good Governance: A New Framework for Political Analysis”, Fudan Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences, Vol. 11 (2018): 2 – 3; United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific, What is Good Governance? www.unescap.org (assessed June 29, 2020). ↑

37. David Aworawo, “Nigeria from Independence to the Year 2000” in History and Cultures of Nigeria up to AD 2000, 212.↑

38. William R. Stanley, “Background to the Liberia and Sierra Leone Implosions” GeoJournal vol. 61, no.1 (2004): 69 - 78.↑

39. Amos Sawyer, “Violent Conflicts and Governance Challenges in West Africa: The Case of the Mano River Basin Area” The Journal of Modern African Studies vol, 42 no.3, (2004): 437 – 463.↑

40. Stephen Riley and Max Sesay, “Liberia: After Abuja” Review of African Political Economy vol. 23, no.69 (1996): 429–437.↑

41. 1. William R. Stanley, “Background to the Liberia and Sierra Leone Implosions” GeoJournal, 69 - 78. ↑

42. Paul Richards, “The Sierra Leone-Liberia Boundary Wilderness: Rain Forest, Diamond and War” in African Boundaries: Barriers, Conduits and Opportunities edited by Paul Nugent and A. I. Asiwaju (London: Pinter, 1996).↑

43. James Olusegun Adeyeri and Jackson A. Aluede, “Ethnic Propaganda, Hate Speech and Mass Violence in Igbo-Hausa/Fulani Relations in Post-Colonial Nigeria,” 80.↑

44. Lawrence Njoku and Charles Ogugbuaja, “IPOB, MASSOB urge Igbo to sit at home” The Guardian, 03 May, 2021.↑

45. Jakkie Cilliers and Julia Chünemann, The Future of Intrastate Conflict in Africa: More Violence or Greater Peace? ISS Paper 246 (May 2013), 3 – 12.↑

46. Ibid.↑

47. Romain Malejacq, “Looking at the Individual in Liberia and Sierra Leone: From a Regional Conflict to a “Human Insecurity Complex” Revue de la Sécurité Humaine / Human Security Journal vol. 3, (2007): 43–54.↑

48. Jakkie Cilliers and Julia Chünemann, The Future of Intrastate Conflict in Africa: More Violence or Greater Peace? 8.↑

49. Eduardo Cue, “Thousands of Sierra Leonean Refugees flee renewed Fighting in Liberia” The UN Refugee Agency (2002).↑

50. O.B.C Nwolise, “The Civil War and Nigerian Foreign Policy” in Nigeria Since Independence: The First Twenty-Five Years edited by A.B. Akinyemi et al. (Ibadan: Heinemann Educational Books (Nigeria) Limited, 1989), 194. ↑

51. Kaye Whiteman, “The Switchback and the Fallback: Nigeria-Britain Relations” in Gulliver’s Troubles: Nigeria’s Foreign Policy After the Cold War edited by Adekeye Adebajo and Abdul Raufu Mustapha (Natal: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2008), 255-256. ↑

52. Oye Ogunbadejo,“Nigeria and the Great Powers: The Impact of the Civil War on Nigerian Foreign Relation” African Affairs, 75, no. 298 (1976): 14-32. ↑

53. Femi Otubanjo, “The Military and Nigeria’s Foreign Policy” in Nigeria Since Independence: The First Twenty-Five Years edited by A.B. Akinyemi et al. (Ibadan: Heinemann Educational Books (Nigeria) Limited, 1989), 237 – 238. ↑

54. K. Subrahmanyam, “A Historical Overview of the Cold War” Superpower Rivalry and Conflict: The Long Shadow of the Cold War on the Twenty-First Century edited by Chandra Chari (New York: Routledge, 2010), 15 – 34. ↑

55. Ibid.↑

56. Fraser Cameron, US Foreign Policy after the Cold War: Global Hegemon or Reluctant Sheriff? Second Edition (New York: Routledge, 2005), 15 – 18; Kurt M. Campbell and Thomas G. Weiss “Superpowers and UN Peacekeeping” Harvard International Review, 12, no. 2 (1990): 22 – 26. ↑

57. Romain Malejacq, “Looking at the Individual in Liberia and Sierra Leone: From a Regional Conflict to a “Human Insecurity Complex” 43–54.↑

58. Peter Arthur “ECOWAS and Regional Peacekeeping Integration in West Africa: Lessons for the Future “Africa Today 57, no. 2 (2010): 2 – 24. ↑

59. Rasheed Draman and David Carment, “Managing Chaos in the West African Sub-Region: Assessing the Role of ECOMOG in Liberia” The Norman Paterson School of International Affairs, Carleton University Ottawa, Ontario, Occasional Paper No. 26, (2001), 12. ↑

60. Ibid.↑

61. Amos Sawyer, “Violent Conflicts and Governance Challenges in West Africa: The Case of the Mano River Basin Area”, 450. ↑

62. Gani J. Yoroms “ECOMOG and West African Regional Security: A Nigerian Perspective”Journal of Opinion, 21, no. 1/2 (1993): 89. ↑

63. Adedoyin J. Omede “The Economic Community of West-African States’ Peace Agreements and Accord on Liberia: A Retrospective Analysis” International Journal of Politics and Good Governance 3, No. 3. (2012): 8 – 10. ↑

64. Rodrigo Tavares, Regional Security: The Capacity of International Organisations (London: Routledge Taylor and Francis Group, 2010), 35 – 38. ↑

65. Lansana Gberie, “Bringing Peace to West Africa: Liberia and Sierra Leone” Africa Mediators’ Retreat (2010): 54 – 57. ↑

66. Olayiwola Abegunrin, Nigerian Foreign Policy Under Military Rule, 1966 – 1999 (West Port: Praeger Publishers, 2003), 148 – 149. ↑