CHAPTER 14

Kinship Ties Among the Igbo: A Sociolinguistic Overview

Chiamaka Ngozi Oyeka

University of Lagos,

Lagos, Nigeria

INTRODUCTION

Kinship is a concept that cuts across different cultures of the world. Each culture or society has its own definition of kinship. Observation shows that kinship ties are dwindling among the Igbo people of Nigeria. This chapter sets to find out what constitutes kinship ties among the Igbo, how the ties are maintained, the reason(s) behind their maintenance, the cause(s) of the decrease in the relationship, the effect of the decrease, and the way forward. The chapter employs a qualitative approach with primary data sourced through structured interviews. Thirty adult male and female respondents as well as thirty youths from different Igbo communities were purposely sampled and interviewed. Findings reveal that Igbo kinship ties stand on a tripod of paternal, maternal, and marital relationships. Kinship relationship is maintained through non-formal education, which highlights the importance of kin through songs and kinship names. The major reasons behind the maintenance of the ties are to avoid incest and to build a strong family structure. Findings reveal that westernisation, urbanisation, and religion have a strong negative impact on Igbo kinship so that the relationships between kin are no longer as strong as it used to be. The study appeals to the society, especially parents, to show their children their kin and teach them the importance of kinship relationships. Such exposure will go a long way in building the Igbo family structure. The family remains the base of every society.

Kinship is a means of establishing relationships with the people one is born with as well as the ordering of such relationship.^[1] The above definition makes plain that kinship depends on blood relationships. It also has a system of arrangement. In the views of Anthony Giddens, Mitchell Duneier, Richard Appelbaum, and Deborah Carr, “Kinship ties are connections among individuals established either through marriage, through the lines of descent that connect blood relatives…or through adoption”.^[2] This definition is more elaborate as it elucidates a group that can be tied in a kinship relationship. Kinship ties can either be through blood relationships, marriage, or adoption. Kinship, according to Aroh, is the relationship between individuals based on blood ties or marriage, adoption, or any other means by which a given society recognizes such.^[3] This explanation is in line with the previous ones, but it highlights that kinship is based on what a society takes it to be.

According to Conrad Kottak, kinship is culturally constructed.^[4] Culture differs from one society to another. It can therefore be said that what constitutes kinship in one society may be slightly different from what it is in another society. Anthony Giddens explains that “in most western societies, kinship connections are for all practical purposes confined to a limited number of close relatives”.^[5] Continuing, Giddens notes that most people have only a vague awareness of relatives more distant than first or second cousins.^[6] The situation is not the same for some African countries, especially the Igbo people of Nigeria. The Igbo practice an extended family system.

Kinship is of great advantage to every society. John Mbiti enumerates that kinship controls social relationships between people in a given society, governs marital customs and regulations, and determines the behavior of an individual toward another.^[7] Kenny Michael and Kirsten Smillie (2015, p. 70) describes kinship as an integrating force, an all-purpose social glue. Continuing, they note that “‘blood kinship’ provides the basis for the formation of cohesive groups, marriage, establishes cross-generational connections between them, and bonds of affection and complex economic relationships hold it all together.”^[8] The explanation likens kinship to a social adhesive that holds societal concerns in place.

It is a truism that language, society, and culture are entwined since every society expresses their culture through language. It is through language that every society socializes their younger ones into societal norms. Kinship ties are a cultural part of every society, which is expressed through language. The Igbo has a way of expressing the relationships between kin. Paternal kin are referred to by the generic term Nwanne m/Ụmụnne m “my sibling(s).” When someone wants to be more specific, they may use Ada anyị "our daughter” for a female, or Nwanna m "my father’s son” for a male. The choice is based on the belief that the groups descend from the same ancestor.

On the maternal side, a son or daughter refers to their maternal relations as nne/nna m ochie “old mother/father” while they refer to them by the generic Nwadiala “child of the soil.” In marital kinship relationships, both parties call themselves ọgọ “in-law,” but when they want to be gender-specific, they call Ọgọ m nwoke/nwaanyị “Male/female in-law.” Through such names, it is very easy for an Igbo to delineate the relationship between a group of people. The Igbo word for relations is ikwu. When one does not want to be specific on the level of their relationship with another, he simply refers to such as ikwu m “my relation.” The younger ones are socialized into the culture.

Considering the great importance of kinship to the society, it calls for great concern the weakness of the ties in some societies, especially among the Igbo. Kinship has cultural peculiarities, and this chapter examines the Igbo kinship system.

KINSHIP AMONG THE IGBO

The origin of kinship in Igboland, according to Iwu Ikwubuzo, can be traced to a primordial family which, according to myth, had just one man, Igbo, and his children. The primordial Igbo family always moved about and settled together, guided by the consciousness that they are of one blood.^[9] Iwu Ikwubuzo further elucidates:

As the children of Igbo increased, multiplied and dispersed to different locations where they inhabit [sic] throughout Igboland, their movement and association were based on kinship consideration. As the population of the erstwhile single family continued to expand, their relationship started becoming distant and different level of kinship began to develop.^[10]

Ikwubuzo’s explanation is a very comprehensive one as it covers not only the origin of kinship among the Igbo, but sheds light on levels of kin relationships. It can be inferred that family is the foundation of kinship among the Igbo.

On kinship networks among the Igbo, Victor Uchendu points out that lineages constitute the most important kinship network. The lineages are father’s lineage, mother’s lineage, father’s mother’s lineage, mother’s mother lineage, and wife’s lineage.^[11] Iwu Ikwubuzo further classifies the network under blood kinship, kinship by marriage, and non-legal secondary kinship, which is a relationship that is not based on blood connection or marriage. Adoption and assimilation of redeemed slaves fall under the last category.^[12] The present study adopts Ikwubuzo’s first two classifications—blood kinship and kinship by marriage.^[13] This choice occurs because slavery has been abolished among the Igbo, hence the lack of data to account for it in research.

Blood kinship and kinship by marriage are related because it takes a marriage to raise a group of people who are related by blood. In blood kinship, the Igbo teach their children who their kin are from an early age. When a woman is married into a family, some of her husband’s kin, who could not join their in-laws' house on the day of marriage, pay a visit to the newly married, to see their new wife. About a day after the marriage ceremony, the immediate co-wives of the newly married or other close co-wives (if the woman is the first to be married into the family), take her around the kindred to meet her husband’s kin. As they take her around, they tell her the relationships between her husband and the kinspeople. The newly married woman joins the meeting of inyomdi “married women in the kindred.” In the meeting, she meets other co-wives and learns more from the older women in the kindred about their husbands’ kin. When the newly married woman starts having children, she educates them by showing them their kin. The boys join the Ụmụnna “kinsmen” meeting while the girls join the Ụmụada /Ụmụọkpụ “daughters of the kindred” meeting. In such meetings, they meet their kin. They are also groomed to understand the importance of kinship.

Regarding kinship by marriage, the Igbo believe that ọgọ bụ ikwu atọ “in-laws are the third in line of kinship.” In-laws have earlier been mentioned to constitute one of the tripods on which Igbo kinship stands. From the day a man pays a visit to another family and pays the bride-wealth for their daughter, he and his kinsmen have become in-laws to the kinsmen of the woman whose bride-wealth they paid. Whenever a man visits his father-in-law, he does not just stop at his house. The father-in-law sometimes takes him around to meet his own kinsmen; it is through such meetings that he knows his in-laws. He gets to know them more as he attends functions among their kindred. It is the same for the father-in-law. Although he may not deliberately plan a visit to his son-in-law’s house, but some occasions like title taking, a close relative’s marriage, and burial ceremonies take him to his daughter’s marital home. During such visits, he gets more acquainted with the son in-law’s kinsmen. It is through such visits and relationships that marital kinship is established.

On the part of the children, they pay homage to the maternal family. Victor Uchendu elucidates that:

A person is a privileged honorary member in his mother’s lineage. It is a place where he is made most welcome … he depends on his mother’s agnates to protect his jurial rights in his patrilineage. He seeks their support in any serious case in which he is involved.^[14]

A child gains much from their maternal family. Chiamaka Oyeka (2022) clarifies that the child who is referred to as nwadiana “child of the soil” has responsibilities toward their maternal family. Topmost in the list is to take good care of their sister, who is their mother. Failure to do so attracts its own punishment, especially when their mother dies.^[15]

A good kinship relationship has numerous advantages. Butari Upah notes that “Apart from maintaining effective social relationship, kinship provides a way of transmitting status and property from one generation to the next.”^[16] Among the Igbo, kin are solely responsible in matters that relate to burial and burial ceremonies. They help in marriages and title-taking ceremonies. They also help in the settlement of disputes among kin. They encourage and support one another. Lambert Ejiofor makes it plain that “the sense of kinship regulates the behavior of related families to the point of goals, identity and shared life.”^[17] Kin bond among the Igbo is so strong to the degree that it affects sexual relationships. It is forbidden among the Igbo for someone to marry their kin or to have any sexual relationship with them. Any carnal knowledge of a member of one’s kin becomes incest. Incest is a taboo which requires spiritual cleansing. Everyone in Igbo society must have great respect for kinship.

Incidentally, kin relationships among Igbo are no longer what they used to be with respect to bonding and solidarity; time and societal evolution have left their mark on a culture that once served as the glue that bound groups. Alexander Aniche^[18] takes a look at the dwindling impact of the kinship/extended family system among the Igbo of South-Eastern Nigeria. His findings show that capitalism and such related forces of modernisation, industrialisation, urbanisation, transportation, communication, and Western education affected the socio-cultural life of the Igbo, especially as it regards kinship.

The aim of the present study is to critically evaluate Igbo philosophy on kinship as expressed through language. The work will also delve into the present situation of kin relationships among the Igbo.

METHODOLOGY

Participant observation and unstructured interview methods provide the source data in this study. The researcher is an active member of Ụmụada in her community, and her participation in Ụmụada functions gave her the opportunity to collect three of the songs used in this study. The researcher, to obtain more comprehensive data for the study, purposely sampled and interviewed thirty adult male and female respondents as well as thirty youths, from different Igbo communities. For the adults, the researcher sought to know how they maintain kinship ties in the communities, the reason(s) behind their maintenance, if kinship ties are the same as they were in time past, reason(s) behind the difference, and the way forward. On the part of the youths, the researcher sought to determine if they know their kin, how they relate with them, and the reason(s) behind their relationships. Some of the answers to the questions in Igbo were transcribed into the English language.

DATA PRESENTATION

Based on Iwu Ikwubuzo’s classification,^[19] this study examines two classes of kinship among the Igbo: blood and marriage, since the third part is presently anathema.

BLOOD KINSHIP

Kinship by blood starts with a family. A family is established by the coming together of a man and a woman or women (as the case may be) in a culturally acceptable way. The family starts expanding as the couple starts having children. It follows that the first kin a child or children meet are their parents. The Igbo firmly believe that the father is the head of the family, and the children are taught the same. The need to honor and respect the father is stressed from childhood, and this respect for fathers is further buttressed with the aphorism Nwa fee nna, nna erue ya “when a child honours his father, he grows to become a father.” The maxim brings to the fore what one gains by honoring his father, which is long life and the honor of having his own children.

The Igbo further stress the importance of kinship through names. Names, according to Doris Odo and Angela Asadu, are a mark of cultural identity, which expresses cultural reality in the language that bears the culture.^[20] The importance of a father as the first in line of kin is expressed in names. Consider the following names:

1. Nnabụihè – father is light
2. Nnabụudo – father is the source of peace
3. Nnabụike – father is the source of strength
4. Nnabụisi – father is the head
5. Nnabụudu – father carries fame
6. Nnabuugwu – father confers prestige
7. Nnabụenyi – father is dominant (in comparison to an elephant)
8. Nnakaenyi – father is more dominant than elephant
9. Nnabụihe – father is valuable
10. Nnanyeluugo – father bestows honour

Names 1 to 8 state categorically what a father is, which are light, peace, strength, head, fame, prestige, dominant, and valuable. The attributes ascribed to a father suggests very clearly that almost everything needed in life is wrapped in a gift called “father.”

Name 1, Nnabụihè, states clearly that a father is light. Light helps people to find their ways. Movement is easier and faster with light, and light helps people to avoid dangers on the way. Light fades once one moves away from its source. With these attributes of light, everyone clearly needs it. By stating that a father is light, the Igbo maintain the kin relationship between the father and his children. Fathers, due to their age and experiences in life, have gathered enough light to show their children the right way in the form of guidance. For the Igbo, ihe okenye nọ ala hụ, nwata rigoro elu oche, ọ gaghị ahụ “what an adult saw while sitting down, a child who mounted a chair cannot see it.” It is based on all these premises that children need a close relationship with their father to find their ways early enough in life.

Name 2, Nnabụudo, is also a way of highlighting a kin relationship with one’s father. An outsider cannot love or care for a child as their father would. A father’s listening ear and counsel gives peace to a troubled child. A father is equally the centre of peace in the average family or a polygamous setting where co-wives’ squabbles sometimes extend to the children. A close relationship with a father gives the child peace from all forms of trouble, and fathers are passionate about peace in the home and society because they know the implications of trouble.

The third name, Nnabụike, further stresses the importance of a father in one’s life. Right from childhood, when a child is confronted or beaten by an older fellow, the response even while crying is m ga-agwa ya Papa anyị "I will tell it to our father.” At this point, the father is the child’s strength, and a father’s protection is a solid source of strength for any child. Encouragement that comes from a father in a time of distress strengthens a child, too. The idea of Ike in this context could be symbolic: a man may be naturally or physically weak, but strong in character, so children can draw strength from their father’s character and strong virtues such as honesty, integrity, and uprightness.

Name 4, Nnabụisi, states the obvious Igbo principle that the father is the head of the family. No one leaves the head to consult others. The Igbo believe that a dịghị ahapụ isiaka agba ụrịọ “you do not snap without the thumb.” For a child to make progress in life, they must consult and accord due respect to the father, who is the head. The Igbo reiterate the importance of headship by noting that isi bụ isi, ọ sọya bụrụ isi ọkụkọ "the head remains the head even if it is a fowl’s head.” The saying implies that no matter the state or status of the head, it remains the head and must be accorded due respect. In other words, whether the father is rich or poor, responsible or irresponsible, big or small, is immaterial; he remains the fulcrum around whom the family revolves. More importantly, this headship must be acknowledged by other members of the family, such as the wife and children and honoured ones. From the literal perspective, on the head lies the eyes for sight, ears for hearing, mouth for speaking, nose for breathing, and other vital organs for their purposes. The name implies that a father is a full package that should not be neglected if a child or a wife must survive in life.

Names 5 and 6, Nnabụudu, and Nnabuugwu, are saying the same thing in different ways. When one serves his father well, adheres to a father’s advice, and receives his blessings, such a person will be famous basically because he has gained much from the experience of the old and has also received a blessing that enables one to move on in life. Having a father bestows prestige on a child. The first question a stranger asks a child is nwa be onye ka ị bụ/ kedụ aha nna gị? “Whose child are you/ what is the name of your father?” The question is a deep one, and its answer allows a person to trace their genealogy. A person also proves through a proper answer to the question that he is not a bastard. The most humiliating question the society can pose to someone is Ị ga-atụnwu akaebe e liri nna gị? “Can you point specifically to where your father was buried?” Most areas bury their loved ones in the family compound and not in burial grounds. A son must be very responsible to hold the privilege to bury his father among the Igbo. The Igbo stress the need for a child to be close to their father because the father bestows fame, and closeness to one’s father bestows prestige.

Names 7, 8, and 9, Nnabụenyi, Nnakaenyi and Nnabụihe are declarations on the worth of a father in terms of his positional dominance in the family. In patriarchal societies such as Igbo, the fact that the father is the head implies his dominance in the family. He is the one who dictates the way the family goes and functions. As the elephant is dominant in the forest with its huge size and intimidates other animals, so is the father in the family although not in an oppressive or intimidating manner. While Nnabụenyi states clearly that a father’s worth is as massive as an elephant, the principle puts it in a different form, which is that a father’s worth is more massive than an elephant—i.e., his worth is incomparable. Nnabụihe states clearly that a father is valuable. Putting the worth in other forms as in names 7, 8, and 9 are ways of drawing a child’s attention to maintain a good relationship with his first kin: a father.

The last name in this category, Nnanyeluugo, is another way of eulogizing a father’s worth. Ugo, which is eagle, is the king of birds, which is rarely seen. It has great attributes like beauty and vision. Literally speaking, to say that a father bestowed honor to his child can be likened to saying that the child was given the world. A father bestows honor to the child in many ways. The peak of honour in the traditional Igbo society is when a father initiates the child into the prestigious Ọzọ title. One of the designations that mark an initiate is a red cap with eagle feathers. With the physical evidence of a cap with eagle feathers, a child can affirm that a father bestows honor indeed. With given names that project fathers in favorable light, the Igbo brings to fore the need and benefits of someone maintaining a cordial relationship with their first kin. Mothers are second in line when it comes to the blood kin relationship. Like fathers, their values are equally expressed in names. Consider the following names:

1. Nnedịụtọ – mother is sweet
2. Nneamaka – mother is very good
3. Nnedịọgọ – mother is prestigious
4. Nnebụugo – mother is eagle (very beautiful, precious/valuable)
5. Nnebụakụ – mother is wealth
6. Nnebụìhè – mother is light
7. Nnebụíhé – mother is valuable
8. Nnedịmma – mother is good
9. Nnedịmkpa – mother is important
10. Nneebuka – mother is invaluable
11. Nnebuugwu – mother confers prestige
12. Nneka – mother is greater

The first two names in this category, 11 and 12, state that the mother is both sweet and very good. The sweetness and goodness of mothers come in the form of their love and care. Apart from taking care of their children, the mother gives comfort to a child. What a child cannot obtain through their father or any other kin, they will receive through the help of a mother. The names Nnedịụtọ and Nneamaka are put in a song that conveys the beauty and sweetness of a mother as compared with a special delicious soup used in every special occasion, especially in Anambra state:

…nne amaka,

mother is very good

Nne na-aso ka ofe Onugbu

Mother is as sweet as bitterleaf soup.

The name underscores the value of a mother, hence the need for serious attachment to her as kin.

Name 13, Nnedịọgọ, points to the fact that a mother is prestigious; mothers are celebrated from time immemorial for their ability to coordinate the family. A father may reject his children in extreme cases, but not a mother. What one cannot confide in a father, they trust to a mother, who knows how to relate to the father.

Name 14, Nnebụugo, states that a mother is an eagle as she takes care of her children. An eagle is beautiful, courageous, brave and tenacious; an eagle flies very high, does not scavenge, and above all, has good vision. A mother nurtures her children, watches them closely as they grow, and does not do all within her ability to save them from trouble. Just like the eagle, she knows when to wean the children. With these qualities in place, a child has a good start in life. Thus, the beauty of having a mother can be equated to the beauty of the king of birds, the eagle.

Names 15 to 17, Nnebụakụ, Nnebụìhè, and Nnebụíhé, are different ways of stating that a mother is invaluable. She is both a great source of wealth and a light as stated in names 15 to 17. The wealth included in these names covers both physical and emotional. A mother is considered valuable in many ways, as she shines the light in different ways for her children to find the way. From conception, the child’s survival depends to an extent on the mother’s guidance. After birth, the mother starts to breastfeed the infant. The nourishment and protection a child receives right from the womb along with the breastmilk, which is of great advantage to the survival of the child, are great sources of wealth that should not be neglected. As the children grow, they learn much from their mothers; in other words, she shows them the light to enable them to find their feet in life. Infants identified as girls grow and, through their mothers, learn how to build their homes in marriage. When the girls grow into women and start having their own children, it is their mothers who visit to take care of them and their newborn babies. Mothers have also supported their sons financially and otherwise, thereby helping them to be established in life. Based on the abundant assistance a mother provides to her children, the Igbo establish that a mother is a great source of wealth. Also, based on the great help one receives from a mother, the Igbo prove that a mother is good, important, and invaluable as name 18, Nnedịmma-mother is good; as name 19, Nnedịmkpa-mother is important; and as name 20, Nneebuka-mother is invaluable.

Names 21 and 22, Nnebuugwu and Nneka highlight further the importance of mothers. No one can sacrifice for another in the way a mother would. Additionally, when a mother is said to be greater, it does not imply that she is in competition with anyone, such as the father or the children; it is only a way of appreciating her numerous sacrifices and calling attention to the immense benefits one gets from maternal kin.

KINSHIP BY MARRIAGE

Kinship relationships with in-laws are also stressed through names that show how advantageous the in-laws are:

1. Ọgọmeremeze – In-law bestowed kinship on me
2. Ọgọabaka (uru) – In-law is very useful
3. Ọgọbụugo – In-law is an eagle
4. Ọgọakọlam – May I not be left without an in-law
5. Ọgọdịmma – To have an in-law is good
6. Eziọgọamaka – Good in-law is very good

Name 23 shows the extent of the benefits received from an in-law. In this case, it is not that the in-law crowned the name giver king in his community but that he did something great that elevated his in-law to feel and act like a king. Such things include financial and material support, appointments to prestigious positions, and intervention during periods of conflict. Name 24 reiterates the usefulness or benefits of an in-law to demonstrate that in-laws come to one’s aid in so many ways. For name 25, the symbolism of an eagle have already been established. Moreover, stating that an in-law is an eagle still falls in line with the earlier names on the gain of having an in-law. The 26th name is a prayer. The name giver’s desire is to be favored with an in-law due to the benefits that come through them. Name 27 notes that it is good to have an in-law. The benefits of having an in-law range from having grandchildren to extending one’s kinship group. The last name in this category states categorically that a good in-law is good. The name implies that one may have a bad in-law who can be a source of sorrow to him and his kinspeople No one wants to identify with a bad in-law.

KINSHIP BY BLOOD AND MARRIAGE

The generic ikwu “my relation” refers to one’s relatives when one does not want to be very specific about the relationship. There are also ikwu names that project kinship that is inclusive of blood and marriage:

1. Ikwubuụzọ – One’s relations are considered first
2. Ikwukaụba – Relations surpass wealth
3. Ikwumereze – Relations make one a king
4. Ikwuakọlam – May I not lack relations
5. Ikwuaghalam – may I not be forsaken by relations
6. Ikwuazọka – relations greatly saved
7. Ikwukananne – maternal kin is greater

The first name under this category, Ikwubuụzọ, places priority on a person’s relatives above strangers. It is the person’s kin who rally around them when they are in need; hence, the need to place them above others. Name 30, Ikwukaụba, compares relations to wealth and concludes that relations rank higher than wealth. The reason is that even when a person has money, it is their relations who will help the person to do what money cannot do. Name 31 refers to the massive support and assistance received from relations, while names 32 and 33 are pleas that one will not lack or be forsaken by relations. The prayer is based on the abundant help and support that relations render. Name 34, Ikwuazọka, shows that the name-giver was greatly helped by relatives when they were in need. The last name under this category, Ikwukananne, establishes the fact that maternal kin relationships have greater benefits than other types of kin relationships. Maternal kin relationships are devoid of rancor and other unhealthy competitions that sometimes crop up in paternal kin relationships, even among Igbo.

KINSHIP IN SONGS

Kin relationships are supported and reinforced through songs among the Igbo. Chinwe Ezeifeka and Ifeyinwa Ogbazi aver that:

Songs are intricately tied to cultural expression. In Igbo culture, they provide powerful means of communication through humor and conviviality. Group songs bring people together and by so doing, create a conducive forum for transmission of serious cultural issues.^[21]

Songs play a major role in the transmission of Igbo culture. Ụmụada play a big role by drawing attention to kin relationships through songs. They use different opportunities to do so. Ụmụada uses songs in social gatherings to illustrate and encourage kin relationships:

Song 1: Onye dị ọgọ 3x

When one is prestigious

O nwee nwanne

They will have kin.

Prestige in the above song does not refer only to outward looks but of good character. Through the song, ụmụada warn about the need to maintain a good character to draw relations more closely. Ụmụada further stress kinship with the following songs, especially during burial ceremonies:

Song 2: Ụmụada ọ bụkwọnụ nwanne

Daughters of the kindred it is kin

Ọyị nachaa na nwanne aya ana

When friends have all gone, kin remain.

The song enthrones the persistence of a person’s kin above that of a friend. A good relationship with relations when one is still alive is projected in ụmụada’s song thus:

Song 3: Metụta nwanne gị ahụ ooo2x

Have a body contact with your kin ooo

Ụbọchị ọ ga-abụ na ị ma na onye ọzọ ga-abịa mgbe o ji sọ ya.

The day it will be, you know that another person will come when they will

Ma ọ sọnụ ya ịgba mgbalu

If it pleases the person to come for the burial ceremony.

The above song equally places value on good relationships with a person’s kin. When someone dies, the friends may come when they like. Some may not even come at all, but kin will always be there. These songs enable Igbo society to enculturate their younger ones.

Ụmụada sometimes adopt melodious greetings that project kinship. For instance, some ụmụada use such greetings as arụnwanne (kin’s body) and the response comes: arụnwanne dị ụtọ (kin’s body is sweet). The last syllable in the greeting and response are usually stressed, making the greetings sound melodious. The greeting simply means that kin relationships are sweet. All these songs by Ụmụada fall in line with Azụbụike Ifiọnụ’s explanation:

An examination of different categories of Igbo music demonstrates vividly that Igbo music grows out of human experiences and is also an inter-human phenomenon which operates as part and parcel of almost all Igbo cultural activities.^[22]

IGBO KINSHIP IN CONTEMPORARY TIMES

There is a decline in kinship relationships among the Igbo. E. Ugwueje and Ngozi Mogbo note that although kinship structures exist, they are becoming less emphasized.^[23] Respondents point out that urbanization, westernization, and religion are the major causes of the decline. Many people leave their villages where they have communal living with their kin for towns, aiming to relocate to search for greener pastures. Living apart creates a gap in relationships, especially for those who live very far away from their ancestral homes. Harsh economic situations and extra efforts to make ends meet give little to no room for relations who stay even in the same town outside their ancestral home to pay visits to each other. When such happens, a wider gap is created between relations. When eventually the relocated people start having children, it becomes very difficult for their children to know their relations. Keeping a distance from one’s relatives hinders good relationships with kin.

Some youths admit that they hardly visit their village as they might have done when they were very young. They admit that there is no strong relationship between them and their kin, even with those who live in the same town as them. An interviewee stated clearly that the last time he visited home, the cousins gave him a negative attitude, making him feel inferior; from that time on, he kept his distance from them. Another pointed out that each time she visits home, she will spend time reminding her uncles of her name and other things. To her, the whole process is disgusting. A handful of youths that have a good relationship with their kin claim that they enjoy a very cordial relationship with their maternal families more than their paternal family members who tend to play down their achievements for undisclosed reasons.

Among the things that came with westernization is their culture. Lambert Ejiofor points out that “the Igbo have embraced western civilization with enthusiasm.”^[24] Kinship in western culture is totally different from what it is among the Igbo. While western culture practices a nuclear family system, it is an extended family system for the Igbo. In Igbo culture, kinship stands on a tripod of paternal, maternal, and marital relationships. Presently, most Igbo young couples give detailed attention only to their immediate families and little or none to the extended family. Economic downturn in the country also contributed to such a kind of life.

Western culture came with the Christian religion as opposed to the traditional religion the Igbo practiced, and some practices within Christianity brought some damage to the kinship relationships. The Christian religion has played a strong part in neutralizing the kinship system of Igbo; people who belong to different Christian sects or denominations see themselves as more bound by their sect than bound by blood. This experience has estranged kin from one another even among family members who belong to different sects. Some Christians take members of their church as their kin and refer to them as brothers and sisters, while neglecting their blood relations. An interviewee revealed a situation where a man made it clear that he would rather help his Christian sister than his kin.

Another side of Christianity that has further harmed kinship relationships is the prophetic aspect. Some prophecies point to people’s kin as the ones behind their challenges. This is not to say that there are no bad kinsmen. There are cultural ways of sorting things out when there is a suspicion between relatives. The parties might take an oath ịṅụ iyi or make a peace treaty ịgba ndụ and continue to carry on as relatives. The Christian religion condemned the traditional way of making peace and introduced the Christian dimension—ịṅụ iyi ụka “Christian oath,” which faded with time. At present, suspicions lead to cold feelings toward kin and negative prayers against them. During ceremonies, ụmụada are admonished to sing Christian songs instead of traditional songs that teach the importance of kin relationships.

Some families downplay some marital ceremonies at present by conducting their children’s traditional marriages in their places of residence. They overlook other ceremonies that follow Igbo traditions, such as taking the new bride around to meet the husband’s kin and the traditional invitation of the bride’s extended family to visit and know their daughter’s marital home and her husband’s kinspeople. Such ceremonies do not represent complete Igbo rites of marriage. By conducting such marriages in the city, both the married couple and the younger generation are denied the full experience of Igbo traditional marriage, which includes introductions to the kin network.

EFFECTS OF CONTEMPORARY KINSHIP

As it is presently practiced among the Igbo, kinship has side effects; peace has eroded many families and communities because of the kind of kinship that is practiced. Some young adults claimed in interviews that they have not visited their ancestral home since they believe “village people are wicked.” The effect is that such groups do not know most of their kin, especially the distant ones. Interviewees reported three different situations they experienced when youths presented their kin to be considered for marriage. One is the experience of introducing a member of the kinship group as a wife without knowing that they are bound by blood. A family was saved from serious embarrassment because their couple decided to present their intentions to their parents first. There are several cases of couples living together and having children before involving their parents in the relationship, only to discover that they are related by blood. It is a taboo that requires serious cleansing for kin to gain carnal knowledge of themselves among the Igbo.

Communal living is no longer what it used to be. People hardly take their children to their ancestral homes due to fear of being poisoned or spiritually attacked. When they do, they hardly allow their children to mix with other kin due to the same reason. Such children are warned not to collect any edible product from anyone to avert problems such as sickness or even death. Such negative socialization brings much division in the society.

Another vital aspect of communal living that has been lost is ceremonies. Kinsmen used to run errands, dig graves, and lower the body of their loved ones in the grave, but it is no longer so. Almost everything is contracted, as undertakers do most of the work of kinsmen during burials. The food contractors have taken over the cooking earlier done by married women in the clan. Masters of ceremonies are brought in from the outside to take the time usually allotted the Ụmụada in traditional social functions. Most of the time, the Ụmụada receive only limited time to register their presence. Based on all these changes in tradition, the younger generation knows next to nothing about their culture. The general effect is that Igbo society has children who are Igbo by name but have nothing to show or share about the Igbo culture.

REVIVING IGBO KINSHIP

Considering the importance of kinship in every society, there is need to uphold it. Parents should show their children their relatives by integrating the children into the larger family. It is only when the children know who their kin are that they can talk of establishing good relationships with them and maintaining kinship ties. Parents, especially those in diaspora, should teach their children Igbo language. Igbo is their cultural heritage and speaking the language will go a long way in helping the children to interact with their relatives in their ancestral homes.

In situations when parents cannot afford to bring their children home during festive seasons, they should take time to contact relatives in the homeland through video calls where their children can see and interact with kin in the homeland. For those who can afford to bring their children home, they should allow them to mix with their relatives at home and attend the Ụmụnna/Ụmụada meetings. Younger women married into the family should also be encouraged to attend their own meetings. It is through such meetings that people get to know more about their kin and community of relatives. Parents should also teach their children the importance of kinship to the Igbo society and give their children names that depict good kinship relationships.

On the part of the children/youths, they should be patient with their uncles and aunties who pose different questions to them whenever they visit. These questions are basically because the elders do not recognize the children, and some may suffer from dementia. Secondly, issues of natural physical change and development among the youth constitute a challenge to the old; sometimes, the older people become confused because the last time they last saw the youth was during their childhood. The youths need to understand these facts and accommodate the older ones by reminding them of who they are whenever they face such “embarrassing” questions. The youths should also create and communicate through different social media platforms like WhatsApp, Telegram and Zoom for their distant families. Through such platforms, they will get to know their kin and establish good relationships with them.

Ụmụnna should continue to reinforce the importance of kinship in their meetings and caution those who abuse it. Even though musical artists are invited to almost all functions and have gradually taken the roles of ụmụada, space remains for ụmụada‘s performance at burial and marriage ceremonies. Ụmụada should understand that their traditional songs and their dance steps are both educational. They should utilize the opportunity they are given at such ceremonies to perform cultural and familial work by educating the society on kinship relationships. When all these are done, there is hope that kinship relationships will be revived.

CONCLUSION

This study investigated kinship ties as they relate to language use in Igbo society. Kinship among the Igbo centers on paternal, maternal, and marital relationships. Language is used to illustrate the importance of each of these relationships. Some of the advantages of kin relations are inscribed in names. When people are called by such names, the message sinks into societal narratives. Other benefits of kinship are reflected in songs by ụmụada. Younger ones are socialized into the system as they attend traditional functions and listen to the names and songs that promote kinship. Parents also play their parts by telling and showing their children who their relatives are. The reasons behind kin relations are mainly for bonding, solidarity, and avoiding incest. A person gains much by associating with his kinsmen.

Westernization, urbanization, and religion emerge as reasons behind the wane in kinship relationships. The decline has done more harm than good to the society as the youths today may not have much family heritage to bequeath to their children. The kinship relation is fast eroding the bases of Igbo social life and relationship. The study suggests that parents should take the responsibility of teaching their children who their kin are and allow their children to associate freely with their relatives. Relatives in the village who scare others from coming home should refrain from such. Kinship names should be given to children as it is one of the ways to preserve kin relationships. Ụmụada should revert to songs that extol kinship relationships in traditional ceremonies rather than Christian songs and choruses. When all groups are involved in the efforts of reviving kinship among the Igbo, the society will stand stronger than it is at present.

END NOTES

1. Butari Upah ‘‘Kinship Terms as Universal Concepts: A case Study of Jukan and English,’’ in Issues in language and Human Development. A Festschrift for Jerome Ikechukwu Okonkwo, ed. Polycarp Anyanwu and Ifeoma Obuasi (Enugu: SAN PRESS, 2012), 300. ↑

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3. Alexander Aniche, ‘‘Dwindling Impact of Kinship/Extended Family System Among the Ndị Igbo of South Eastern Nigeria’’. Online Journal of Arts Management and Social Sciences (OJAMSS) vol. 2 no.1 (2017), 247, accessed on May 9,2022 www.gojamss.net. ↑

4. Conrad Kottak , Cultural Anthropology (9th ed.) (New York: McGraw-Hill, 2002), 201-202.↑

5. Anthony Giddens, Sociology. (2^nd ed.) (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1993),390.↑

6. Anthony Giddens, Sociology, 390.↑

7. John Mbiti, African Religion and Philosophy, (London: Heinemann, 1969),104.↑

8. Kenny Michael and Kirsten Smillie, Stories of Culture & Place An Introduction to Anthropology, (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2015),70.↑

9. Iwu Ikwubuzo, ‘‘The Kinship System’’, in Nigerian Heritage. The Igbo Culture, ed. Kehinde Faluyi and L. Dioka (Lagos: Rebonik),93. ↑

10. Ikwubuzo, ‘‘The Kinship System,’’93. ↑

11. Victor Uchendu, The Igbo of Southeast Nigeria (New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1965), 64. ↑

12. Iwu Ikwubuzo, ‘‘The Kinship System,’’ 77. ↑

13. Iwu Ikwubuzo, ‘‘The Kinship System,’’ 77. ↑

14. Victor Uchendu, The Igbo of Southeast Nigeria,66↑

15. Chiamaka Oyeka, ‘‘Strategies in Obituary Announcements of Married Igbo Women: A Review.’’ UJAH: Unizik Journal of Arts and Humanities. Vol. 23. no.1. (2022), 50-51. ↑

16. Butari Upah (2012, p. 300), ‘‘Kinship Terms as Universal Concepts,’’ 300.↑

17. Lambert Ejiofor, Dynamics of Igbo Democracy (Ibadan: Ibadan University Press, 1981), 39.↑

18. Alexander Aniche 2017‘‘Dwindling Impact of Kinship/Extended Family System’’↑

19. Iwu Ikwubuzo, ‘‘The Kinship System,’’ 77.↑

20. Doris Odo and Angela Asadu (2018, p. 188), ‘‘Cultural Values in the Life of Igbo (Nsukka) People: A Sociolinguistic Perspective,’’ in Igbo Institutions and Leadership, ed. Gabriella Nwaozuzu, Patrick Okpoko, Boniface Mbah and Ndubuisi Ahamefula Nsukka: Centre for Igbo Studies, 2018), 188. ↑

21. Chinwe Ezeifeka & Ifeyinwa Ogbazi, ‘‘Undercurrents in Selected Traditional Igbo Songs: Contemporary Igbo Women’s Voice’’. Studies in Literature and Language, Vol. 12, no. 5. (2016),1, accessed on May 9,2022. www.cscanada.org. ↑

22. Azụbụike Ifiọnụ, ‘‘The Role of Music in Igbo Culture: An Ethnomusicological Explanation,’’ in Igbo Language and Culture. Vol 2, ed. F. Chidozie Ogbalu and E. Nọlue Emenanjo (Ibadan: University Press, 1982),41.↑

23. E. Ugwueje and Ngozi Mogbo, ‘‘Patterns of Social Structure in a changing Igbo Society,’’ in Igbo Institutions and Leadership, ed. Gabriella Nwaozuzu, Patrick Okpoko, Boniface Mbah and Ndubuisi Ahamefula Nsukka: Centre for Igbo Studies, 2018),149. ↑

24. Lambert Ejiofor, Dynamics of Igbo Democracy, 36. ↑